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Philippine Police Killings in Duterte’s “War on Drugs”Summary. On the afternoon of October 1. Manila home of Paquito Mejos, a 5. An occasional user of shabu, a methamphetamine, Mejos had turned himself in to local authorities two days earlier after learning he was on a “watch list” of drug suspects. The gunmen asked for Mejos, who was napping upstairs.

When I saw them with their handguns going upstairs,” a relative said, “I told them, ‘But he has already surrendered to the authorities!’ They told me to shut up, or I would be next.”Two gunshots rang out. Police investigators arrived moments later and were assisted by the gunmen.

In their report, the police referred to Mejos as “a suspected drug pusher” who “pointed his gun [at the police] but the police officers were able to shoot him first hitting him on the body causing his instantaneous death.” They said a shabu packet was found along with a handgun. But Paquito never had a gun,” said his relative. And he did not have any shabu that day.”Since the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte on June 3. Philippine National Police officers and unidentified “vigilantes” have killed over 7,0. The anti- drug campaign dubbed “Operation Double Barrel” has targeted suspected drug dealers and users ostensibly for arrest but in practice has been a campaign of extrajudicial execution in impoverished areas of Manila and other urban areas.

Duterte’s outspoken endorsement of the campaign implicates him and other senior officials in possible incitement to violence, instigation of murder, and in command responsibility for crimes against humanity. Philippine police are falsifying evidence to justify unlawful killings in a “war on drugs” that has caused more than 7,0. Hitler massacred three million Jews.

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Now, there are three million drug addicts. I’d be happy to slaughter them. If Germany had Hitler, the Philippines would have (me). Rodrigo Duterte, September 3. This report examines 2. Philippine National Police personnel between October 2.

January 2. 01. 7. Human Rights Watch found that the official police reports of these incidents invariably asserted self- defense to justify police killings, contrary to eyewitness accounts that portray the killings as cold- blooded murders of unarmed drug suspects in custody. To bolster their claims, the police routinely planted guns, spent ammunition, and drug packets next to the victims’ bodies. No one has been meaningfully investigated, let alone prosecuted, for these killings.

Before being elected president, Rodrigo Duterte was the mayor of Davao City for more than two decades. There, the “Davao Death Squad” had killed hundreds of drug users, street children, and other petty criminals. While denying involvement in the death squads, Duterte endorsed their killings as an effective way to combat crime, relishing his “Duterte Harry” nickname and reputation. Even prior to announcing his candidacy for the May 2. Duterte was already very clear about his intention to eliminate crime by eliminating criminals: “If by chance that God will place me there, watch out because the 1,0. Duterte was mayor of Davao City] will become 1. You will see the fish in Manila Bay getting fat.

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That is where I will dump you.”Duterte’s outspoken vow to embark on a nationwide killing campaign against drug dealers and drug users was the foundation of his presidential electoral platform. During a campaign rally on March 1. When I become president, I will order the police to find those people [dealing or using drugs] and kill them. The funeral parlors will be packed.”Following his election, Duterte continued to state unequivocally that his anti- drug campaign would focus on killing drug dealers and users. Watch Becoming Bond Online Iflix.

Speaking in Davao City on June 4, he stated: “If you are still into drugs, I am going to kill you. Don’t take this as a joke.

I’m not trying to make you laugh. Sons of bitches, I’ll really kill you.”Since taking office, Duterte has repeatedly vowed to kill drug dealers and users in the midst of skyrocketing reports of extrajudicial executions by the police and so- called vigilantes. On August 6, he warned drug dealers: “My order is shoot to kill you. I don’t care about human rights, you better believe me.” He praised the soaring body count of victims of police killings as proof of the “success” of his “war on drugs.”The Philippine National Police announced a temporary suspension of police anti- drug operations on January 3. South Korean businessman by anti- drug police. The following day, Duterte ordered the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to fill the gap created by the suspended police operations by taking a frontline role in the anti- drug campaign.

Duterte has publicly vowed to continue his “anti- drugs” campaign until his presidential term ends in 2. Watch All Tomorrow`S Parties Streaming. Human Rights Watch’s investigations into specific incidents found the police responsible for extrajudicial executions—the deliberate killing by state security forces or their agents of a person in custody. A clear modus operandi of police operations emerged. In many cases, it began with an individual receiving a visit or a phone call from an official from the local barangay (neighborhood) informing them that they were on a drug “watch list” drawn up by barangay officials and the police. Such visits often proved not so much to be warnings as a method of confirming the identity and whereabouts of a target. A barangay official told Rogie Sebastian, 3. He had given up drug use months earlier, so did not go.

Two weeks later three armed masked men wearing bulletproof vests arrived at his home in Manila and handcuffed him. I could hear Rogie begging for his life from outside the room,” a relative said. We were crying and the other armed man threatened to kill us as well.” A neighbor said: “I heard the gunshots. There were also uniformed cops outside, they did not go inside the house. But the three killers in civilian clothes came and went on a motorcycle without any interference from the uniformed cops.”Relatives, neighbors, and other witnesses told Human Rights Watch that armed assailants typically worked in groups of two, four, or a dozen. They would wear civilian clothes, often all black, and have their faces shielded by balaclava- style headgear or other masks, and baseball caps or helmets. They would bang on doors and barge into rooms, but the assailants would not identify themselves or provide warrants.

Family members reported hearing beatings and their loved ones begging for their lives. The shooting could happen immediately–behind closed doors or on the street; or the gunmen might take the suspect away, where minutes later shots would ring out and local residents would find the body; or the body would be dumped elsewhere later, sometimes with hands tied or the head wrapped in plastic. Local residents often said they saw uniformed police on the outskirts of the incident, securing the perimeter—but even if not visible before a shooting, special crime scene investigators would arrive within minutes. Five masked armed men broke into a house in Bulacan province where Oliver Dela Cruz, 4. Said a relative: “[W]e could see him kneeling in a surrendering position. The men grabbed him and slammed him into a concrete wall several times, and then they threw him…outside.

We saw the shooting, we were just there. Oliver’s face was bleeding from being hit, and he was begging them for mercy when he was shot.”After the shooting of Ogie Sumangue, 1. Manila, uniformed police showed Sumangue’s relatives his body in the house, and a . Family members said that Sumangue could not afford and did not possess a gun and therefore could not possibly have attempted to shoot at the police. He cannot even pay the rent,” a relative said.

His sister paid the rent for him.”Human Rights Watch examined the police reports in nearly all of the cases investigated.

War crimes in the Kosovo War. US Marines provide security as members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Forensics Team investigate a grave site in a village in Kosovo on 1 July 1.

The War crimes in the Kosovo War were a series of war crimes committed during the Kosovo War (early 1. June 1. 99. 9). Yugoslav security forces killed many Albanian civilians during the war; there were also attacks on Yugoslav security forces, non- Albanian civilians and moderate Serb- friendly Albanians by the Kosovo Liberation Army (UÇK). According to Human Rights Watch, the vast majority of the violations from January 1.

April 1. 99. 9 were attributable to Serbian Police or the Yugoslav Army. Violations also include abuses committed by Albanian militants, such as kidnappings and summary executions of other minority races.[1]Background[edit]By the 1. Kosovo Albanians constituted a majority in Kosovo. During the 1. 97.

Serbs and Montenegrins left Kosovo, largely due to the economic situation and repression by the Kosovo Albanian government and population.[2] "5. Serbs have left Kosovo in the last decade" – wrote the New York Times in 1.

Slobodan Milošević gained political power by pledging to discontinue this repression. Milošević abolished Kosovo's autonomy in 1. With his rise to power, the Albanians started boycotting state institutions and ignoring the laws of the Republic of Serbia, culminating in the creation of the Republic of Kosova which received recognition from neighbouring Albania. Serbia (now in union with Montenegro as FR Yugoslavia) tried to maintain its political control over the province. With the formation of the Kosovo Liberation Army, a large number of the Kosovo Albanians became radicalized. The Serbian police and Yugoslav army response was brutal.

In 1. 99. 7, international sanctions were applied to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia because of persecution of Kosovo's Albanians by Yugoslav security forces.[4]Yugoslav war crimes[edit]Serbian military, paramilitary and police forces in Kosovo have committed a wide range of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other violations of international humanitarian and human rights law: forced expulsion of Kosovars from their homes; burning and looting of homes, schools, religious sites and healthcare facilities; detention, particularly of military- age men; summary execution; rape; violations of medical neutrality; and identity cleansing.[5][dead link]— Report released by the U. S. Department of State, Washington, DC, May 1. Persecution and deportations[edit]During the armed conflict in 1. Yugoslav Army and Serbian police used excessive and random force, which resulted in property damage, the displacement of the population and the death of civilians.[6] Some claim that Belgrade unleashed Operation Horseshoe in the summer of 1. Albanians were driven from their homes (though this is highly controversial, with many scholars dismissing Operation Horseshoe as anti- Serb propaganda).[7][8][9]The withdrawal of the Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe monitors on 2. March 1. 99. 9, together with the start of NATO's bombing campaign, encouraged Milošević to implement a "campaign of expulsions".[1. With the beginning of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, Operation Horseshoe was implemented, though the Yugoslav government maintained that the refugee crisis was caused by the bombings.[1.

The Yugoslav Army, Serbian police and Serb paramilitary forces in the spring of 1. Albanian civilians in order to expel them from Kosovo and thus maintain the political control of Belgrade over the province.[6][1. According to the legally binding verdict of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the Federal Army and Serbian police systematically attacked Albanian- populated villages after the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia that began on 2. March 1. 99. 9; abused, robbed and killed civilians, ordering them to go to Albania or Montenegro, and burned their houses and destroyed their property.[1.

Nemanja Stjepanović claimed that within the campaign of violence, Kosovo Albanians were expelled from their homes, murdered, sexually assaulted, and had their religious buildings destroyed. The Yugoslav forces committed numerous war crimes during the implementation of a "joint criminal enterprise" whose aim was to "through the use of violence and terror, force a significant number of Kosovo Albanians to leave their homes and cross the border in order for the state government to retain control over Kosovo."[6] The ethnic cleansing of the Albanian population was performed in the following way: first the Army surrounded a location, followed by shelling, then the police entered the village and often with them and the Army, and then crimes occurred (murders, rapes, beatings, expulsions..).[1. Watch The Smurfs 2 Online The Smurfs 2 Full Movie Online. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, by June 1.

Yugoslav military, Serbian police and paramilitaries had expelled around 8. Albanians from Kosovo,[1. March.[1. 3] Approximately 4. Albania and 3. 20,0. Macedonia, while Bosnia and Herzegovina received more than 3. Presiding Judge Iain Bonomy, who imposed the sentence, said that "deliberate actions of these forces during the campaign provoked the departure of at least 7.

Albanians from Kosovo in the short period from late March to early June 1. Destruction of settlements[edit]HRW claims that the Yugoslav Army indiscriminately attacked Kosovo Albanian villages.[1. Police and military forces had partially or completely destroyed thousands of Albanian villages in Kosovo by burning or shelling them.[1.

According to a UNHCR survey, nearly 4. Kosovo were heavily damaged or completely destroyed by the end of the war.

Out of a total of 2. In particular, residences in the city of Peć was heavily damaged. More than 8. 0% of the 5,2. Destruction of mosques, monuments and other traditional architecture[edit]Numerous Albanian cultural sites in Kosovo were destroyed during the Kosovo conflict (1. Hague and Geneva Conventions.[2. Religious objects were also damaged or destroyed. Of the 4. 98 mosques in Kosovo that were in active use, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) documented that 2.

Yugoslav Serb army.[2. In all, eighteen months of the Yugoslav Serb counterinsurgency campaign between 1.

Kosovo resulted in 2. Islamic architecture during the conflict.[2. Additionally 5. 00 Albanian owned kulla dwellings (traditional stone tower houses) and three out of four well preserved Ottoman period urban centres located in Kosovo cities were badly damaged resulting in great loss of traditional architecture.[2. Kosovo's public libraries, in particular 6. Islamic libraries sustained damage or destruction resulting in the loss of rare books, manuscripts and other collections of literature.[2. Archives belonging to the Islamic Community of Kosovo with records spanning 5.

During the war, Islamic architectural heritage posed for Yugoslav Serb paramilitary and military forces as Albanian patrimony with destruction of non- Serbian architectural heritage being a methodical and planned component of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo.[2. Identity cleansing[edit]Identity cleansing was a strategy employed by the government of Yugoslavia during the Kosovo War.[2. Identity cleansing is defined as "confiscation of personal identification, passports, and other such documents to make it difficult or impossible for those driven out to return".[2. Expelled Kosovo Albanians claimed that they were systematically stripped of identity and property documents including passports, land titles, automobile license plates, identity cards and other documents.[3. In conjunction with the policy of expelling ethnic Albanians from the province, the Yugoslavs would confiscate all documents that indicated the identity of those being expelled.

Physicians for Human Rights reports that nearly 6. Yugoslav forces removing or destroying personal identification documents.[3.